What does the now sustained recovery in the UK and the still
tentative signs of recovery in the Eurozone tell us? According to some on the
right, it says all is good in the world, austerity has been successful and we
need to stay the course. According to some on the left, the recovery is not real, and anyway it is all because there
are more people, or because of a house price bubble.
First austerity. As I have said many times, the current recovery tells us
nothing about austerity. In the UK austerity helped delay the recovery by three
years. We can argue about how much of the stagnation of 2011 and 2012 was due
to UK austerity and how much to the Eurozone (austerity somewhere else), but no
serious economist would argue with the statement that both played a significant
part in delaying the recovery. That is why I wrote this over a year ago.
In the Eurozone austerity helped create a second recession.
Here we can argue about the relative contributions of fiscal policy and inept
monetary policy, but again no serious economist would disagree that austerity
played a major role. Model based estimates suggest Eurozone GDP was around 4%
lower in 2013 as a result of fiscal consolidation, and this restrictive fiscal
policy was not confined to the periphery.
In the UK austerity was put on hold in 2012 and 2013, which
helped allow the recovery in 2013 (see my April Fools day post or this from Jonathan Portes). However suspending
austerity did not create the recovery, which was mainly down to lower consumer saving. This reduction
in saving may have happened anyway, but both Funding for Lending and Help to
Buy will have lent a helping hand. In the Eurozone austerity has continued.
That will be a drag on growth, but it alone is not enough to prevent a recovery
as consumers rebalance and monetary conditions in periphery countries ease a
little.
Underlying Primary Balances according to OECD Economic Outlook Nov 2013 |
What about the counter argument that the recovery is not real,
or not sustainable. In some ways this rhetoric is worse than the ‘austerity
works’ line: it is also wrong, but it is much less likely to succeed as
rhetoric. The fact that growth in output per person (GDP per capita) is less
impressive that GDP growth alone does not detract from the recovery because, in
a demand led recession, population growth does not automatically cause GDP
growth. Recoveries are often led by consumers, but as long as investment
follows on and average incomes begin to rise then a recovery will become
sustainable. The rhetoric will not work because, despite the unequal and uneven
nature of the recovery, many
people do feel more optimistic now than two years ago. It is much better for critics of the government to focus
on the ‘wasted years’ of 2010-2012, and on the fall in median incomes (pdf) over the last five
years. If they want economic issues for today and tomorrow, focus on
inequality.
Does this mean that the macroeconomic debate (as opposed to the
political debate) over fiscal policy is over? Here we should go back to basics.
Tightening fiscal policy reduces output, and fiscal stimulus increases output,
when interest rates are at their zero lower bound. So until interest rates
start rising, austerity will still be a drag on growth. The macroeconomics says
recovery could be quicker without austerity. But from a practical policy point
of view, the influence of this basic logic on what politicians do seems as
remote as ever.
So for me the interesting question on austerity has changed.
Although it is occasionally necessary to go over the macroeconomic logic yet
again to counter the rhetoric I discuss above, what I find more interesting is
why policymakers did the wrong thing from 2010 onwards, and what lessons for
the future that implies. Was it all an unfortunate consequence of Greek profligacy?
Is it down to the influence of the financial sector,
and is this a result of mistaken beliefs or vested interests? How do we avoid
this happening again? One obvious answer is that we must start the next
liquidity trap recession with lower levels of public debt. But even if we did,
is that going to stop those ‘close to the markets’ insisting on the dangers of
the large deficits and rising debt that are the inevitable result of a
recession, and then go on to insist that we need fiscal contraction to avoid a funding crisis? If
the answer is no, how can we immunise politicians from such calls?
Of course, just because the recovery and its development tells
us little useful about austerity does not mean it is uninteresting - at least
for a macroeconomist. For me a really big question for the next year or two is
what will happen to inflation, particularly in the US and UK. This has not
always been the case. From the start of the recession until recently consumer
price inflation has been a misleading distraction. One of the clear lessons
from recent history is that a focus on consumer price inflation when there are
various temporary supply side shocks is dangerous. It led the ECB to raise
rates just before a recession, and it almost led to higher rates in the UK. Monetary
policy makers really should reflect on why they were distracted in this way.
In the absence of similar distractions in the future, inflation
should become a better indicator of just how fast the recovery could
potentially be - of how much spare capacity there is available. Yet the exact
relationship between this spare capacity and inflation remains mysterious. Most
theories say that inflation should remain below target if the economy is below
trend, but should inflation be rising or falling? There are some (old and new) theories that suggest that inflation
could become disinflation even though the economy is growing reasonably well.
Given this uncertainty, for a macroeconomist what happens to inflation over the
next year or two will be really interesting.
To sum up, the recovery is welcome: it is not an illusion, but
neither does it atone for the sins of the past. Above all else, it must not
lead to complacency. We have still a long way to go to repair all the damage
caused by the recession. Even when that has been done, the problems that led to the financial crisis have not been fixed. With inflation targets still at 2%, and
perverse fiscal responses, we remain dangerously vulnerable to any future large
negative demand shock.
Three things Osborne would love.
ReplyDelete1) Sargent's 12 point summary of economics.
2) The efficiency - equity tradeoff.
3) Policy credibility has been earned because austerity policies have beaten inflationary expectations. Yellen has recently said that Volker's policies of 30 years ago have been contributed to low inflation now through the same mechanism!
What wonderful insights mainstream economic theory gives!
The answer to (2) is the Law of Diminishing Utility as SWL points out in the previous post. Classical economic theory is a description of the workings of the market. It is not designed as a tool for explaining humanity, society or civilisation. Further we should be wary of market place idols even when we discuss how markets work. If Sargent or Gary Becker do this, it is getting close to market fundamentalism.This is an important point made below:
Delete"Perhaps the reader feels that this general, philosophical disquisition on the behaviour of mankind is somewhat remote from the economic theory under discussion. But I think not. Though this is how we behave in the market place, the theory we devise in the study of how we behave in the market place should not itself submit to market-place idols. I accuse the classical economic theory of being itself one of these pretty, polite techniques which tries to deal with the present by abstracting from the fact that we know very little about the future" (Keynes QJE 1937).
The key focus of the current government seems to be to uphold the real value of all of the debt that has built up. Austerity to prevent wage inflation together with more asset price inflation (from help to buy and tax cuts for the rich) encourages inward capital flows and a strong pound and so maximizes the value of all of that debt which in turn further encourages more inward capital flows and so on.
ReplyDeleteIf the aim isn't to cause lots of production but rather to maximize the real value of debt/financial wealth then everything perhaps makes more sense? Perhaps as more debt builds up, then the constituency demanding this sort of policy will become stronger and stronger.
I had a go posting about that idea:
http://directeconomicdemocracy.wordpress.com/2013/03/24/political-consequences-of-risk-free-financial-assets/
You are correct. The evidence is that there is a group of rentiers who are actively campaigning for policies which benefit rentiers, successfully.
DeleteIf I remember rightly, the UK government thought they had stolen a march on the Eurozone by commencing 'expansionary austerity' earlier than the Eurozone countries would, but in fact they did it simultaneously. As such, the UK government got what it deserved.
ReplyDeleteSecondly, I wrote to the BBC to ask "why can I find no mention on the BBC website or any BBC news service which tells the general public that Swedish CPI is now negative?" To which the response is, "these are subjective decisions made by our news editors, and we accept that not everyone will think that we are correct on each occasion."
You may as well as why Arkansas pursued a different course to the rest of the USA.
ReplyDeleteIn the EU, we had the Convergence Plan, and we still do. "Excessive deficit procedure" and all that. Once agreed to, it can't be changed without agreement of all the ECOFIN.
And don't expect that to happen for a long time.
A few points:
ReplyDelete(1) GDP is mismeasured due to the inability to measure the financial sector accurately; it measures accounting fraud by banks as if it's production.
Accordingly I'll believe it's a "recovery" due to a higher employment/population ratio, or a lower poverty rate, or even a higher steel production rate, but not due to GDP numbers.
(2) Distribution of wealth matters. Accordingly, even if there is a higher steel production rate, if the median income or median net wealth is dropping, I don't really care whether you call it a recovery, it's a bad thing.
So I'd like to see some charts on the change in median income, median net wealth, or even more usefully, wealth and income by decile. Then I'd believe we were looking at a real recovery -- or I wouldn't, depending on what the data said.
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