For economists
In an AER P&P paper, Paul Romer talks about many things: a
distinction between scientific consensus and political discourse, a divide in
growth theory between those that use models based on perfect competition and
those using imperfect competition, but mainly the distinction between
appropriate mathematical theory and what he calls ‘mathiness’. To better see
how these things connect up, and how they could have wider applicability, I
suggest reading his blog post first. There he writes:
“the problems I identify in growth theory may be of broader interest. If economists can understand what the problem is in this sub-field, we may be in a better position to evaluate the scientific health of other parts of economics. The field to which scrutiny might first extend is economic fluctuations.”
So how might such a comparison go? The attachment to using
perfect rather than imperfect competition could map into an aversion to either
price stickiness or the importance/autonomy of aggregate demand, both of which
could be labelled as ‘anti-Keynesian’. Keynesian theory is denigrated in some cases
not because of empirical evidence but because of the policy implications that
may follow from that theory. The microfoundations methodology, as practiced by
some, allows those that want to deny the importance of Keynesian effects to
continue to study business cycles, because this methodology can place such a low weight on the
importance of evidence when it comes to the elements of model building. (Ask
not whether price stickiness has empirical support, but whether it has solid
microfoundations.)
Paul Romer’s post also links to the idea in this paper by Paul Pfleiderer about theoretical
models becoming “chameleons”. To quote: “A model becomes a chameleon when it is
built on assumptions with dubious connections to the real world but
nevertheless has conclusions that are uncritically (or not critically enough)
applied to understanding our economy.” I think we could add that these
conclusions are usually associated with defending a particular political view
or sectional interest.
It is important to stress that this is not an attack on the
microfoundations methodology, just as Paul Romer’s article is not an attack on
mathematical modelling. Most DSGE modellers, who are not subject to any
political aversion to using price rigidity, happily use this methodology to
advance the discipline. But if that methodology is taken too seriously (by what
I call here microfoundations purists), so that
modellers only look at what they can microfound rather than what they
actually see in the real world, it can allow approaches that should have been
discarded to live on, perhaps because they support a particular policy
position.
A discipline where a huge number of alternative models persist
could be described as ‘flourishing’, but risks
disintegrating into alternative schools of thought, where some schools have an immunisation
strategy that protects them from particular kinds of empirical evidence. As
Paul perceptively points out, this makes economics more like political
discourse than a scientific discipline. Some people welcome that, or regard it
is inevitable - I hope most economists do not. This means we first need to
collectively recognise the problem, rather than keeping our heads down to avoid
upsetting others. I hope Paul Romer’s article can be part of that process.