When I wrote this
based on Johnson winning a November general election, someone asked
me whether it was a prediction or a warning. It was both. I still think it is the most likely outcome..Here are my thoughts that led me to that conclusion, which of course may be completely wrong.
Putting Brexit to one side,
Johnson needs a larger majority to govern. So an election sometime in
2019 seems very likely. It is also clear he wants this to be a
‘people versus parliament’ election, where of course Johnson
represents the people and parliament ‘is colluding with the EU’
to block No Deal. He has hit the ground running with various popular
measures. So the key question is when in 2019 the election will be.
There seem to be
three possibilities.
-
An election before 31st October
-
An election announced before 31st October that takes place after that date
-
An election in November or December
An important factor
governing this choice is that Johnson will avoid an election after we
crash out with no deal, unless he is completely deluded about what
crashing out means. Even if he blames the EU for everything that
goes wrong, voters will not take kindly to a government that played
down the consequences of crashing out when crashing out turns out to have severe consequences.
This means that if
he intends to leave with no deal, his only choice is (1). But he
needs a pretext, and that pretext would have to be MPs instructing
the PM to get an extension if he fails to agree a deal. He could ask
parliament on 19th September to call
an election to be held on 24th October, for example, but that would
rely on parliament acting very quickly to rule out crashing out. Johnson also misses out on a crowd pleasing budget. It would be odd to base a complete strategy on parliament moving quickly, but nevertheless I think it has to be the second most likely outcome, particularly if he thinks leaving by 31st October is critical in suppressing the Brexit Party vote. .
Leaving this possibility to one side, we can rule out Johnson ignoring an instruction from parliament to extend the A50
deadline, because it involves holding an election during the chaos of crashing out. Which suggests
all the talk of governments of national unity is a red herring, but
for rather different reasons than Stephen Bush gives here.
Labour may still call for a vote of no confidence (VONC), but Tory rebels
are likely
to vote it down while they pursue other avenues to stop no deal. Corbyn's choice about whether to call a VONC is lose/lose: if he doesn't he gets blamed and if he does and fails it will be spun as Tory MPs not wanting to support a Corbyn led government.
If we rule out the improbable early election option (1), and we also assume Johnson will not want
to hold an election after we crash out, then this means Johnson will
accept an instruction from parliament to obtain an extension before
31st October. That would be obtained on the assurance of an imminent
general election, and the EU would almost certainly accept this.
Johnson gets his people versus parliament election.
This has the
disadvantage, of course, that Johnson will have failed to keep his
promise of leaving by 31st October, which risks a revival of
the Brexit Party. He could respond that he has been forced to do so
by an instruction from parliament which it would be irresponsible of
him to ignore. His election campaign would be that the EU would have
offered an alternative to the backstop, but this was undermined by
MPs ruling No Deal out.
As calling a general
election before 31st October to be held after that date (option 2)
mixes the task of campaigning with having to ask the EU for an
extension, a November election seems the most likely outcome,
although far from certain.
There are another set of possibilities
where Johnson really wants a deal, which is based - as Aleks Eror
suggests
- on something like a backstop for Northern Ireland alone. This is
what the EU originally suggested of course, but no doubt Johnson
could dress it up as a result of his tough talking, and much of the
press would back him up. This leads to the same place. Parliament
would reject the deal with the ERG and DUP in the lead, but he could
fight an election on this basis and use a victory as a mandate.
If there is a
November election, a Johnson victory seems the most likely option,
although again far from certain. While Johnson taking over as PM has
squeezed the Brexit Party’s support, Labour has so far only
received a small recovery in its vote since the European Elections and the
Liberal Democrats remain strong. Of course that may change before any
election, but I would say the balance of probability
is that this will fail to stop many Remainers in key Lab/Con
marginals from voting LibDem or Green rather than Labour.
The irony of all this, if I'm correct, is that Johnson is looking to his rebel MPs to stop a no deal
Brexit. A failure to do so, if this was accompanied by a failure to
negotiate a new deal with the EU, would require either fighting an
election after the chaos of crashing out, or Johnson choosing rather
than being instructed to get an extension, as May did in March. If
that happened then Johnson would suffer the same fate as May, and the
Brexit Party would revive. Only in those circumstances might we not
see an election in 2019.