Introduction (added 10/11/16)
I originally wrote this piece with a start and ending that assumed Trump had lost (yes, I know), and re-wrote it after he had won. I mention that because I think an unfortunate consequence of that is that many will read this as another 'why did he win' piece. It is not that, It is more a 'how did someone who was openly despised by most Republican politicians (included past Presidents), who broke all the normal rules, and generally acts like the dictator of some poor country unused to democracy, get a clear chance at being POTUS' type of question. Whether he won or not is irrelevant to that type of question.
Asking why he won is a whole different type of question, because you are looking at marginal shifts in the way people vote. His appeal to those in the rest belt who were adversely effected by globalisation is clearly relevant in that case.
So the US has had its Brexit moment. Perhaps the lesson is that if people are promised impossible things and no one tells them they are impossible, you can motivate some potential voters to vote who would not otherwise have done so. But it would be wrong to get hung up on the polls: Nate Silver was clear that there was a good chance Trump could win.
I originally wrote this piece with a start and ending that assumed Trump had lost (yes, I know), and re-wrote it after he had won. I mention that because I think an unfortunate consequence of that is that many will read this as another 'why did he win' piece. It is not that, It is more a 'how did someone who was openly despised by most Republican politicians (included past Presidents), who broke all the normal rules, and generally acts like the dictator of some poor country unused to democracy, get a clear chance at being POTUS' type of question. Whether he won or not is irrelevant to that type of question.
Asking why he won is a whole different type of question, because you are looking at marginal shifts in the way people vote. His appeal to those in the rest belt who were adversely effected by globalisation is clearly relevant in that case.
So the US has had its Brexit moment. Perhaps the lesson is that if people are promised impossible things and no one tells them they are impossible, you can motivate some potential voters to vote who would not otherwise have done so. But it would be wrong to get hung up on the polls: Nate Silver was clear that there was a good chance Trump could win.
The question to ask is how could the United States elect to its most
powerful office not just a demagogue, but someone who lied openly all
the time, incited hatred against other religions and ethnic groups,
and promised to lock his opponent up if he won. We have to ask how
this could happen.
You will hear a lot of talk about those left behind by globalisation,
looking at charts like this
Share of income growth going to income groups from 1975 to 2007.
Source OECD
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They are remarkable, and they may explain some of the detail of how
he swung votes at the margin. But, as Ezra Klein notes in an
interesting article
in Vox (written when he thought Trump would just lose), Trump support
comes from people who are well off, do not live in areas hit by
globalisation and are not in areas of recent immigration. They do not
explain how a demagogue and liar gets to win so many votes. And they
don’t explain how the chart above can lead to people electing a
President who now almost certainly will cut taxes for the 1%.
His explanation instead comes from political scientist Julia Azari,
who writes “The defining characteristic of our moment is that
parties are weak while partisanship is strong.” It is certainly
true that the Republican party hierarchy failed to stop Trump, and
that a great many of them then went on to endorse him. It is also
true that Sanders, an insurgent from the left, did very well in the
Democrat primaries. But there the equivalence ends. Sanders is no
demagogue who lies openly all the time, incited hatred against other
religions and ethnic groups (unless perhaps you count bankers as an
ethnic group), and promised to lock his opponent up if he won. He is
hardly a threat to the democratic process.
This is one problem that I have with this argument. It implies a
symmetry which is just not there. That is because it ignores a key
feature of politics in the US over the last few decades, which is a
steady march to the right. The threat to democracy comes only from
the Republicans and their base. Let me put it another way.
Republicans have become more partisan because the believe a centrist,
experienced and relatively honest Hillary Clinton is beyond the pale,
while Democrats have become more partisan because Republican policies
are often mad. (Think climate change, guns, teaching evolution)
The other problem is that the analysis does not spell out why the
Republican base has become so extreme, and why plenty of people who
are not so extreme will have voted for Trump. You can certainly say
that this extremism was encouraged by Republican politicians before
the rise of the Tea Party: think of holding the government to ransom
when Bill Clinton was President. But I think the biggest factor
missing from Klein’s account - as it often is by those in the media
- is the media itself.
This consists of two parts, much as it does in the UK. First there is
Fox news: a highly partisan news provider with a clear right wing
bias. Second there is an inability of the non-partisan media to
provide any kind of counterweight when someone like Trump arrives,
and in some cases provides help to his cause. I have talked about
this second factor before, here
and more briefly here,
so let me concentrate on the first today.
The story is in fact told
better than I ever could by Bruce Bartlett, who worked in the Reagan
White House and for George HW Bush, so I’ll just summarise it here.
The story starts under Reagan, who provided pressure to withdraw the
Fairness Doctrine, which was similar to what keeps UK broadcasters
from being partisan. Initially that allowed the rise of talk radio,
and then Fox News. Gradually being partisan at Fox meant misinforming
its viewers, such that Fox viewers are clearly
less well informed than viewers of other news providers. One analysis
suggested over half of the facts stated on Fox are untrue: UK readers
may well remember them reporting
that Birmingham was a no-go area for non-Muslims.
But why is this causal, rather than simply being a mirror on the
rightward drift of the Republican base? The first point is that there
is clear
evidence that watching Fox news is more likely to make you vote
Republican. The second is that, like the tabloids in the UK, this
propaganda machine can turn on party leaders and keep them from
moving left. The third is that it is also a machine for keeping the
base angry
and fired up and believing that nothing could be worse than voting
for a Democrat. It is Fox News that stops Republican voters seeing
that they are voting for a demagogue, conceals that he lies openly
all the time, incites hatred
against other religions and ethnic groups, and makes
its viewers believe that Clinton deserves to be locked up. Just as
UKIP (and perhaps now the Conservative party) is the political wing
of the tabloids, so Trump is a creature of Fox news.
Trump’s election is a disaster for humanity. That may be true in
ways we can only speculate about, but we know
that he does not believe in climate change, thinks it is a Chinese
hoax, will not follow the Paris agreement and will do all he can to
support coal. With a Republican congress no one will stop him. When
you think about that, remember also that Fox news (like sections of
the UK press) encourages climate change denial, and the issue was not
mentioned by the non-partisan nightly news election coverage (which
obsessed about emails) or raised in any of the presidential debates.
If you continue to mislead people in this way, they will continue to
make terrible mistakes when they vote.