‘I should be the
leader of a government of national unity’. ‘No you shouldn’t,
someone else should’. I’m afraid if you were hoping I would write about
this nonsense you will be disappointed. It seems to me right now
nothing more than just another way for those who really dislike
Corbyn to attack him and those who support Labour to attack everyone
else. Rebel Tories will be hoping a crash out Brexit can be stopped
another way, and if that fails or in the unlikely event that Johnson
ignores parliament, who has the relatively unimportant job of leading
a caretaker government will be decided days before it needs to be
decided, and not before.
The discussion is
one illustration that the UK has become a failed state, where a
government about to do great harm to those it governs draws comfort
from opposition parties arguing
with each other. This post is about how a policy (crashing out of the
EU) that will do nearly everyone harm and some great harm seems to have
considerable, albeit still minority, support. I wrote
in January about how the rest of the world thinks Brexit is utterly
stupid, and leaving without any deal looks beyond stupid. When a
country does something as idiotic as this, and it has popular
support, there is something deeply wrong with that
country.
Arguments that
people really believe they will gain something worth the cost of the
pain and suffering of crashing out merely shifts the question,
because we will gain nothing that comes near compensating for the
costs. Most supporters of Brexit cannot name an EU based law that has
a significant negative impact on their lives, let alone a law that
the UK opposed at the time, let alone compare that to the many EU
laws that have brought benefits. Nationalism alone is not an answer:
few think football fans would be better off if our teams
stopped playing in the Champions League, or if our national teams
could no longer buy overseas players.
What we have is an
information failure, where warnings of the dire consequences of
crashing out are not believed but fanciful stories that being outside
the EU will allow us to improve ourselves are believed. It is no
surprise that the government is furious
about the leak of the Operation Yellowhammer (predicting immediate
shortages of medicines, food and fuel after we crash out), but what
is more surprising is that a third of the population believes politicians that say these worries, documented by the government's own civil service, are unfounded. Politicians that are normally quick to assert that the machinery of government is
incapable of organising anything well on this occasion are pretending
that same machinery can work wonders.
One of the lessons I
learnt
from working on the economic impact of a different kind of disaster
is that consumer reaction can seriously magnify its impact. In this case as
soon as stories of shortages occur people start ‘panic buying’
and those shortages are magnified tenfold or more. It is this reason
that the leaked documents talk of dealing with law and order
problems, including riots.
That no government
minister will guarantee that no one will die as a result of crashing
out is revealing. That the NHS is prevented
from voicing its fears tells you even more. Yet many of those who
believe it is right for us to crash out of the EU are also older and
depend the most on the NHS. Again this makes no sense unless you see
this as an information failure where these connections are just not
being made.
The broadcast media
is obsessed by recessions (and in particular the technical definition
of a recession), but those freely predicting one should learn from
what happened after the 2016 referendum. On that occasion many
consumers responded to higher inflation cutting their real wages by
saving less, and the same could happen again. We also saw in 2016
that predicting a recession that does not happen can distract from
the real cost of Brexit. What we have seen instead since 2016 has
been a steady gap emerging
between UK growth and growth elsewhere, together with a collapse in
investment.
Too often short term
shortages are presented in war like terms: we will get through it and
it will be worth it once it is over. The truth is that by making
trade with our biggest trading partner much more difficult will
ensure that the UK grows more slowly. We will be permanently and
substantially worse off as a result of crashing out. The bumpy road is going downhill. Those who tell
you this is just another forecast do not know what they are talking
about. One of the basic ideas in economics is that trade makes people
better off, because if it didn’t why would people trade? Making it
harder to trade with the EU means less trade with the EU. There are
no sunlit uplands when it comes to crashing out of the EU, which is
why of course other countries think we are utterly stupid to try.
With less income comes less public services: a worse health service,
higher taxes or both of these. There will be thousands of firms like
this
one, strangled not just by tariffs but the greater
bureaucracy that comes with Brexit.
Leave politicians
understand this, which is why they talk about all the marvelous trade
deals we will get now that we are free from the EU. The reality is
once again the opposite of this. The EU is in fact very good, and
very experienced, at doing trade deals with other countries, and we
will lose nearly all those when we crash out. Once that happens
politicians will be desperate to do two things: sign a trade deal
with the EU and with the US. Negotiations about a trade deal with the
EU will not even start for some time, because the EU will insist on
the backstop staying in place along with a level playing field in
terms of competition, neither of which a Tory government will accept
until they have to. The compromises that our current government
thinks it can avoid by crashing out will be made at some point, and so all the pain of crashing out will be completely pointless.
Donald Trump
supports Brexit because he knows the UK will be desperate to do a
trade deal with the US when it leaves, and he knows people desperate
to do a deal are vulnerable to exploitation. In this case no deal may
well be better than a bad deal, but the government will sign it
anyway because it will look good at the time, and the harm it does
can be delayed or fudged. [1] This illustrates a basic political
point. Countries are much stronger as part of a group than they are
on their own. We have already seen how the EU has backed the Irish
government in trying to keep to the Good Friday Agreement alive, and when
the UK crashes out just watch the EU’s efforts to diminish the
economic costs on the Irish economy.
What the EU cannot
prevent is the creation of a hard border on mainland Ireland when we
crash out. Pretending otherwise is another Brexit fantasy. That will
see the end of the peace process that was so painstakingly won
decades ago. Along with the kinds of terrorism we are already used
to, we can add a revival of Irish terrorism. A belief that crashing out
represents political gains at the expense of economic pain is
nonsense, because the political costs of a No Deal Brexit are just as
serious as the economic costs.
Are people really
aware of this when the say they are in favour of crashing out? You
either have to assume that a third of the population has gone mad, or
instead see this as a fundamental failure of information. The UK is a failed state because the producers of information have made it fail.
All the information on No Deal outlined above is readily available for anyone who wants to find it . But so
is ‘information’ suggesting exactly the opposite: that all these
warnings are Project Fear and our lives have been made much worse
because of the EU. Only people like those who are reading this are
likely to be able to sort out which are the more reliable sources.
Many more people will not have the time or inclination to even look.
They will rely on the mainstream media: newspapers and broadcasters.
Over half
of newspapers read (hard copy or online) are pro-Brexit, and their
combined print and online reach is huge, with a monthly reach of 29
million for the Sun. (Figures for daily newspapers based on
circulation only are much smaller and more pro-Brexit.) But there is
a key difference between the coverage of the pro and anti Brexit
press. Just compare the coverage of the Sun
or Mail
on the Operation Yellowhammer leak with those in most other
newspapers. Their headlines talks of the document being scaremongering,
rather than focusing on the content of the leak itself. On Brexit at
least half the press are acting at the moment as if under the control
of the state, or you could equally say that the state is following a
policy pushed by that section of the press.
This could be offset
if the broadcast media was fact based, but normally it is not. Their
model is not to tell the truth and expose lies, but instead to
present balance, which in the case of Brexit involves balancing lies
with truth. So those consuming Brexit propaganda from their
newspapers will not find this corrected by the broadcast media.
Once you combine
this with how important
the media is in influencing opinion, then the key role of the media
in explaining the information problem revealed by widespread support
for crashing out is obvious. A large part of the consumers of
information are reading propaganda which is not contradicted by
broadcasters.
But there is another
route where media coverage is important, and that is the media’s
influence on party membership. Party membership is by definition
partisan, and so will look at sources of information that are also
partisan. The overlap of the Brexit press and the right wing press is
very large. As a result, Conservative party members are likely to be
even more influenced by the Brexit press. If I am
right about the pivotal role played by the media, then we should
expect the proportion of party members to be more in favour of
crashing out than the population at large, as indeed they are.
The relationship
between the press and politicians is not straightforward. Both are
influenced by each other. The ring wing press was much more
pro-Brexit than Conservative MPs as a whole, and through both routes
(the population as a whole and through party members) this has
influenced MPs. The 2016 referendum accelerated this process, as did
the 2019 Tory leadership contest, because in both cases it
strengthened the role of the Brexit media.
Ideas and policies
normally come from politicians, and the partisan press will normally
go with that. But occasionally ideas are initiated by the press, and
politicians find it difficult not to run with them, as we have seen
with Brexit. As the line newspapers take on major issues is normally
decided by their owner, this is obviously undemocratic. But more
generally it does not seem right that any major player involved in
the means of information should turn their information provider into
a propaganda vehicle. When that happens, you can end up with policies
that suit the newspaper owner but for nearly everyone else are utterly
stupid.
Stopping Brexit is
only half the story, if we want the UK to stop being a failed state. We also need to tackle the causes of Brexit.
Normally politicians dare not talk about reform of the media, because
they fear the consequences. (Since Thatcher every leader of the Labour party except
one has been unpopular with the public, and that one
did a deal with Rupert Murdoch!) Corbyn’s Labour party has reform
of the media as a key part of its manifesto. The proposals are
modest,
but by making the BBC more independent they may represent a start at
ending the power of a large section of the press to misinform.
[1] The deal may not
be signed by the US anyway, because
Congress will require a backstop