Happiness and Paternalism

                Although I clearly do not agree with current UK macroeconomic policy, I did note at the end of a recent post that the government had taken the positive step of collecting more data on happiness. (It also deserves considerable credit for setting up the Office for Budget Responsibility, which it predecessor did not have the courage to do.) So I was interested to see a recent broadside from the Institute of Economic Affairs attacking this decision, and the whole happiness project more generally.

                Their collection of essays is slightly schizophrenic. It includes papers that try and show happiness is unrelated to equality, or employment protection legislation, and is negatively related to government consumption. However other papers and the introduction also argue that happiness data is an unreliable guide to wellbeing, and that the government should not use happiness data to promote wellbeing explicitly. What is the underlying problem? Why put so much effort into criticising a few extra questions in a survey?

                This is a question that the New Economics Foundation asks in a refreshingly restrained response to the IEA document. The answer they suggest is that the IEA, and many of its contributors, have a fear that happiness data will be used by governments to do things government thinks will make people happier, rather than allowing individuals themselves to decide what makes them happy. 

                I am sometimes asked by students whether economics as a discipline has an ideological bias. What they often have in mind is the role of markets. My response, which I think is reasonable, is that once you get beyond the welfare theorems in Econ 101, what most economists spend their time doing is analysing market imperfections. So if you want to know what is wrong with markets, ask an economist.

                However I think most economists do share one philosophical characteristic, and that is a deep distrust of paternalism.  This is something I share – by and large, if it does not adversely affect other people, individuals should be allowed to make their own choices. But the by and large here is crucial. Sometimes individuals do make choices which are clearly bad for them.

                This was cogently argued by Richard Thaler and Cass Sunstein in a short paper provocatively entitled ‘Libertarian Paternalism’ (American Economic Review, 2003, Vol. 93, pp. 175-9). A great deal of behavioural economics is all about departures from rationality, and these in turn can lead to people making choices that are not optimal. Thaler and Sunstein point out that sometimes government cannot avoid making decisions that influence choices. An example they give is enrolment in employment based savings plans. Should people be given the choice to opt in or opt out?  What is called ‘status quo bias’ means that which happens will influence people’s choice. Given this, surely it is best for the government to choose the option that makes people better off in its judgement.  The authors have subsequently developed these ideas in their book Nudge. The Economist has a nice summary of this position, and some arguments against it, here. Nudge has been very influential among policymakers, both in the UK and the US.

                Decisions on whether to make savings schemes opt in or opt out, and similar nudges, seem fairly innocuous even if they are important. But what about forcing people to do things they might definitely decide otherwise not to do? Like wearing seat belts. Some economists have difficulties with making the wearing of seat belts compulsory, and regularly cite the possibility that it might encourage drivers to drive more dangerously. This belief seems fairly impervious to contrary evidence, and this post  from philosopher/psychologist J.D.Trout has a justifiable go at economists as a result. The unfortunate truth is that individuals are rather bad at assessing low probability high risk events, and as a result it makes sense – at least in this case – to take away their choice. Can anyone think of a recent similar example with rather more global consequences?!

                So the bad news for the IEA and similar devotees of absolute individual sovereignty is that sometimes people do systematically make bad decisions, and the state is right on those occasions to do something about it. Equally, the state is often too paternalistic, and interferes when it should not. The state can also make bad choices. Given this, the more data we have that allows us to sort out whether government is helping or meddling the better. That is why happiness data is useful, because it can help us do this.

What should be in the 2012 Budget?

                The UK budget is presented on Wednesday 21^st March.  Speaking yesterday, the Chancellor said he had “secured the country’s economic stability”. He is absolutely right: in contrast to previous recoveries, when the economy grew, he has managed to stabilise output. GDP was 0.16% higher at the end of last year compared to the quarter after his first budget. Per capita GDP is over 5% below its peak at the end of 2007.

                Jonathan Portes, in a recent post/article, rightly condemns the current pessimism and inaction of the UK government about growth and unemployment. There is so much that could be done, even at this late stage, to start bringing unemployment down quickly. Jonathan suggests a fiscal stimulus (relative to current plans) involving

(1) A temporary cut in national insurance contributions for young and low-paid workers.

(2) Infrastructure investment. (No, it would not take time to find such projects – just reinstate those that were cancelled, like modernising run down school buildings.)

(3) Building more houses by helping social-housing providers to borrow and build. The UK, unlike some other countries, suffers from a structural shortage of housing supply.

I would add a fourth

(4) Reversing some of the changes about to take place in tax credits. This would go a little way towards correcting the fact that proposed budget changes are decidedly regressive in their impact, as I noted here. For more details see this discussion from the Resolution Foundation.

These four proposals would involve more borrowing in the short term. But what if the markets panic? The Chancellor could set in place two contingent policies to deal with this. First, authorise the Bank to undertake more Quantitative Easing if a risk premium on UK government debt begins to emerge. Such a program would be entirely consistent with the Bank’s mandate. Second, set out tax increases that would fully fund measures (1) to (4). This could involve bringing forward the tax increases that are pencilled in for later years, as suggested by the Social Market Foundation here. It could also involve raising taxes that will come largely out of savings, like increasing inheritance tax from the current 40% for example. These taxes would only be increased if the markets showed they could not stomach additional borrowing. They would diminish the expansionary impact of measures (1) to (4), but not by that much because of the balanced budget multiplier. Until now the majority party in the coalition has shown no interest in this way of expanding the economy without increasing debt, but we can always hope.

                The government has expressed concern about the evidence (see also Adam Posen here) that small and medium scale firms (SMEs) are being starved of (or priced out of) borrowing by excessively cautious banks. In the UK these firms are unusually dependent on borrowing from banks. Quantitative Easing by the Bank of England has focused on buying government debt, which may have eased the corporate bond market, but has done little for SMEs. The government has so far tried encouraging banks to lend more, with a predictable lack of success. Proposals are due to be announced in the budget, but one of the Bank of England’s leading thinkers suggests radical changes to the UK banking industry are required. Such changes are possible, because the public sector currently owns a good proportion of the banking sector.

                Last and not least, the Chancellor should instigate an immediate investigation into the possibility of replacing the inflation target by a nominal GDP target. There is a significant amount of evidence, from the Great Depression and more recently, that expectations of rising prices can provide a strong stimulus to demand. A nominal GDP target, suitably constructed, could help generate those expectations.

                If this strikes you as a bit too much, consider the following. In the highly unlikely event that the Chancellor took my advice and the economy started to expand too rapidly, we can cool things down very quickly by using monetary policy. In contrast, being stuck at the zero lower bound means monetary policy with the current inflation target is having little impact on rising unemployment. So for once being incautious is the sensible option.

                The unemployment rate among under 25s in the UK is currently 22.5% and rising, the highest since records began in 1992. This is no unfortunate accident beyond the government’s control:  over 100,000 public sector jobs were cut from education and the NHS in 2011. It is ironic that one of the positive things this government has done is to start publishing survey data on happiness. Alas at the same time its macroeconomic policies are leading to a substantial increase in unhappiness in the UK.