In the continuing fallout from the Brexit vote comes a call
to democratise economics. I tend to think about these issues by
drawing an analogy between economics and medicine. The reason I like
this analogy is that both are stochastic sciences: people are
unpredictable in terms of their behaviour and biology, at least in
terms of the current state of knowledge. There remains a great deal that is
mysterious. Both can use theory to a considerable degree, but both
also rely on statistical analysis and experiments/trials. I am happy
to acknowledge that medicine is ‘better’ in some sense than
economics (although I do not really know, or know how that could be
ascertained), but I would argue that any difference is of degree
rather than kind.
One other similarity that is worth mentioning because it always comes
up: both are hopeless at forecasting. Your doctor will not tell you
how long you have to live, and can often only give you a rough idea
even if you have a fatal disease. Economists get involved in
macroeconomic forecasting not because users think it is accurate, but
because it is marginally better than guesswork. But while doctors
cannot tell you how long you will live, they can tell you that
smoking will be very likely to shorten your life. Equally an
inability to do good macro forecasts does nothing
to refute the claim that if we make trade with our neighbours more
difficult we will do less of it and this will reduce people’s
welfare and incomes.
The two subjects are also similar in that key decisions are often
delegated to expert committees: in the UK the MPC
and NICE,
for example. But when it comes to other policy decisions, the two
subjects differ. Occasionally government or policymakers clash with
medical experts on medical matters, but that is rare. In contrast
politicians quite routinely ignore economic expertise, or choose
minority views over the consensus. The difference is not hard to
explain of course: political interests and economic decisions are
often intertwined. This can in turn influence the discipline itself.
But if you accept my analogy, this is not good for society. Those who
voted for Brexit were told it would produce positive results for them
in the long term, and will almost certainly be disappointed.
Is
the solution to this to democratise economics? I cannot think of
anyone, or at least no economist, who would object to the public
knowing more economics. Some might go further, and suggest that
knowledge of economics among policy makers is dangerously deficient. I would also agree that sometimes economists can learn from interactions with policymakers or even the public. But when it comes to medicine people generally do not want to know
about medical science. What they want to know is what medical opinion
is on key issues, and they want policymakers to make decisions that
embody that knowledge.
I think the same is true of economics. Most people do not want to
know the theoretical basis for why fiscal consolidation when interest
rates are at their lower bound is bad for the economy, let alone the
arguments that a few make against that consensus opinion. (If you
read this blog, you may be an exception to this generalisation.)
Instead they want to know what the consensus opinion is and how
strong that consensus is. If the economics conflicts with their
intuition, they might want to check that economists are answering the
same question
as they are. This the broadcast media generally fails to do, and the
tabloids only do if it suits their political line. There are reasons
for this in the way the media works, which I have discussed many
times, but it would be negligent for economists to imagine it was not
their problem as well.
For example in medicine I suspect you could rely on medics to be able
to tell you what the consensus opinion on issues was. Unfortunately
that would be less true in economics. But that is partly economists
own collective fault, because the number working on subject areas can
be quite large and not as well connected as they might be. To take
just one example, there seemed to be a widespread perception among
macroeconomists that many of the top schools taught little Keynesian
economics at graduate level. It turns out according to survey data I
and Andre Moriera collected
that most schools do teach quite a bit of Keynesian economics.
Which leads to my punchline. Economists need to act more as a
collective. We need to regularly survey economists (all economists,
not just selected groups) about what they think on key policy issues,
recording at the same time whether this is their area of expertise.
We need spokespeople to explain any consensus in the media. When
policymakers, City economists or think tanks depart from this
consensus, these spokespeople need to be aggressive as a discipline
in pointing this out, and not leave this to individual academics.
Much as the medical profession does
when rogue claims become popular. We do not so much need to
democratise economics, but to organise
it.