Is the Brexit
induced decline in Sterling a blessing in disguise? So argues
Ashoka Mody, and to a lesser extent
Paul Krugman. Their basic argument is that Brexit will hit the City,
and it is the City that has created an unbalanced economy and an overvalued currency. Reducing the
size of the financial sector is a necessary condition to rebalancing
the economy, and Brexit can achieve this.
Ashoka Mody’s
disdain for the City is absolutely clear. He writes: “The
banking-property complex has been a parasite on the British economy,
creating pathologies of financial vulnerability and exchange rate
overvaluation.” We can see the overvaluation in the large UK current account deficit. Paul Krugman is less pejorative. The City is just
an important UK exporter that Brexit will cut down to size, so we
will need to make other UK exporters more competitive to fill the
gap.
Neither author
disagrees that, because the depreciation of Sterling will raise
import prices (in economic speak it will lead to a deterioration in
the terms of trade), people in the UK will be poorer. But there is
also a difference in mechanisms between the two authors, which has
implications for how you view this effect. For Mody the City has
caused Sterling to be temporarily overvalued as a result of a
“finance-property bubble”. As this is a temporary effect (bubble), sterling was bound to fall at some point anyway. As a result, Brexit has only
brought forward the day that UK citizens became poorer.
Krugman on the other
hand does not argue that sterling was overvalued in this sense: the
City is just an important export industry that will particularly
suffer from Brexit. As a result, Brexit does make the average
citizen poorer permanently. But he notes that, to the extent that
this depreciation also results in a redistribution from the City to
more dispersed manufacturing, it might benefit some of the parts of
the UK that heavily voted for Brexit.
There is nothing
wrong with the logic of both arguments, as you would expect given the
authors. The key question is whether they are empirically appropriate
in this case. I have argued, prior to Brexit, that Sterling was
overvalued, and it also seems that the IMF agrees as well. The key
issue is why it was overvalued. If the reason for the
overvaluation was something Brexit has ‘cured’, then Brexit has
indeed ended that overvaluation. If Brexit has not taken away the
reason for overvaluation, then the correction to that overvaluation
has still to come.
Paul Krugman’s
logic is closer to the one I have also used in arguing that the
Brexit depreciation is a result of Brexit making it more difficult
for UK industry to export. The twist Paul applies is a distributional
one: rather than Brexit making it more difficult to export across the
board, it hits one particular industry, allowing other industries to
grow. Once again the key issue is whether Brexit does have this
distributional effect, hitting the City harder than UK manufacturing.
Suppose there is
something in what both authors suggest. I would make a very basic
point. If we wanted to cut the City down to size, we didn’t have to
achieve this using Brexit. We could instead have imposed much
stronger regulations on the UK financial sector (basically higher
capital requirements), and watch some of the industry leave in
disgust. That way we would have avoided all the additional costs that
Brexit will impose (recently restated
by the Treasury, but only now considered ‘news’ by the Times),
and with the additional benefit of having a financial sector that was
not too big to fail. My fear is that after Brexit the opposite will
happen: policymakers will go even easier on City regulation in an
effort to make up for the damage Brexit will do. So I’m still finding
it hard to see any silver lining in the Brexit decision.